Georgia Bernbaum is the Democracy Programs junior fellow at the McCain Institute. A rising senior and Bonner Scholar at Washington and Lee University, Bernbaum is completing her B.A. in global politics with minors in poverty and human capabilities studies and women, gender, and sexuality studies.
As we approach the 2024 election, polarization dominates politics. According to Pew Research Center, partisan antipathy is deeper and more extensive than at any point in the last two decades. A Brown University study found that Americans’ views of the opposite political party have worsened over time faster than those of Europe or any other prominent democracy. The American people are deeply divided—whether it be on healthcare or defense, education or immigration. Disagreement over policy has evolved into something much greater, though. An insurrection on the Capitol Building, a former president’s criminal indictments, and bribery in the Supreme Court are just some of the latest challenges facing our nation. During a time when this country is increasingly disjointed, it seems as if foreign policy may be our last hope for bipartisanship.
Foreign policy and bipartisanship may seem like an oxymoron in the headlines of the past month. As evidenced by the delayed supplemental package to Ukraine, Democrats are more willing to supply aid to Ukraine than Republicans. Roughly half of Republicans think the government is spending too much money on military aid to Ukraine whereas 44% of Democrats think the government is spending too little. In terms of China, Republicans generally support taking a tougher economic policy approach than Democrats. And, although criticism is prominent in both parties, Republicans are more likely to view China negatively than Democrats. Most recently, partisanship has borne its ugly head with the Israel-Palestine conflict. As seen by the country-wide campus protests, Democrats are generally more supportive of Palestine and more critical of Israel than Republicans.
However, contrary to this data, bipartisanship in foreign affairs is alive and well – and continues to be an important pillar of America’s democracy. In 2022, the U.S. Senate approved the addition of Sweden and Finland to NATO by a vote of 95-1. And although there was disagreement, a $40 billion assistance package to Ukraine was eventually passed by the Senate, by a vote of 86-11. President Biden has sustained several of the foreign policy initiatives enacted by his predecessor, President Trump, such as tough trade controls on China, increased investments by our NATO allies, and the launch of the U.S. International Development Finance Corporation (DFC). The reality is that Congress is far less polarized on foreign policy than domestic policy. The average news-watcher would never know this, of course, because controversy is far more tantalizing than unity. But every day, bipartisanship is occurring behind closed doors.
Bipartisanship in foreign policy is crucial for several reasons, the first being that America must present a united front to both our allies and adversaries alike. A consistent foreign policy agenda across administrations is important to successful and sustained agreements. For instance, the NATO agreement is deeply advantageous for its members, providing the U.S. with strategic allies and providing Europe with peace and security. NATO has been upheld for over 70 years by both Democratic and Republican presidents. However, if President Trump serves a second term, NATO countries will be forced to reckon with a potential change in the alliance – a change that would be drastic for war-torn Ukraine. Historic agreements such as NATO must have bipartisan support and be protected no matter which party controls the presidency. Divisions over foreign policy diminish the credibility of U.S. overseas commitments and reduce the incentive for other countries to cooperate.
Furthermore, America acts as a global leader on crucial issues for the rest of the world and thus benefits from timely and effective agreements. Countries look to the U.S. for guidance on economic aid, diplomacy, and military action. If the U.S. cannot provide this guidance because it is plagued by infighting, other international powers, such as Russia, China, and Iran, will rise to the occasion. U.S. foreign policy should consistently prioritize three primary elements: adapt proven international agreements, enforce compliance with international agreements, and create new institutional agreements to respond to modern developments. The sustainability of American power is dependent on our ability to rise above polarization and find unity in international relations.
In conclusion, American foreign policy is far more bipartisan than the average citizen is led to believe. Even in a divided government, Congress passed a monumental aid package to Ukraine, provided support to Israel following the October 7 attack, and allied itself with Taiwan in its fight against China. Bipartisanship may seem like a rare phenomenon in this country, but it is an important foundation of our foreign policy that allows America to continue leading the world as an unrivaled economic and military power.
